Turism Review

How to cover risk in the hotel sector

The derivative markets, especially futures and options, play an important role in the management of risk. Usually, the risk source is price uncertainty; but in the hotel industry, the first source of uncertainty is the number of guests (occupancy level). This special feature, however, does not alter the fact that a derivative market can be created. Two examples are the crop yields futures and options contracts being negotiated at the Chicago Board of Trade since 1995 (Berg, Cole and Sandor 1994) and the CATS (futures and options on catastrophe) negotiated at the Chicago board in 1992 and replaced in 1995 by the PCS (property claim services) index options contracts ( CBOT, 1994 and CBOT, 1995).

It should be noted that futures and options are financial instruments. Simply put, a future is a contract in which a party agrees to buy or sell something at a specified date and price. An option is a contract in which the writer (seller) grants the buyer the right to purchase (call options) or sell (put options) something at a specified price within a specified period of time (Fabozzi and Hull). In the hotel case, the futures contracts design presents some problems (discussed later). More flexibly than futures contract, an option performs as an insurance contract, and could be of more interest to agents not directly related to the tourism industry. This research note first reveals the need of a derivative market in the hotel sector and later offers a summary of the outlined alternatives, along with some concluding considerations.

As everyone knows, the tourist trade moves large amounts of money all over the world and many countries find a very important source of income in this mega-industry. The seasonal component and the great sensitivity of demand to national and international forces generate uncertainty; thus, the agents trading in this market (hotels, tour-operators, travel agencies, charter-air companies, etc.) are interested in decreasing the uncertainty. Indeed, hotels are among the most interested in guaranteeing a minimum income allowing them to cover, in advance, part of their fixed costs, which are usually very high and represent the most important proportion of their total expenditures. The question is how a derivative market can help these agents to reduce their risk. The futures and options contracts permit a limited control over the source of uncertainty, so that it is considerably reduced.

Usually, the most important source of uncertainty is price, but in the hotel sector price uncertainty is almost irrelevant. In other words, the price determination in this business does not answer a spot market performance. Instead, it resembles more a forward market since the negotiations on a period (season) are affected in previous ones (here the reference is to the negotiation between tour-operators and hotels, which represent the most important market turnover). Thus, putting aside the breach of these contracts, price uncertainty practically disappears once the negotiations are accomplished and the agents can concern themselves with demand only.

For given prices, it is the fluctuations in visitor numbers that determine the uncertainty of the hotel agent’s income. However, to design the market so that it can face occupancy uncertainty is a little more complex than when a price uncertainty exists. In the latter case, one could negotiate a contract on the price of a specific product, for example, the price of a double room on half board basis in a four star hotel for a week in high season. Regarding occupancy uncertainty, the contract can also take the demand of a specific product as point of reference or preferably an index which represents the whole market; in this sense, the occupancy rate index is the most representative measure. This is more appropriate, for example, than registered guests because it is calculated in relative terms so that the dimension of the reference zone does not influence it.

Berg et al (1994) suggest the attributes which an index must satisfy in order to reflect an accurate value. In this case, to avoid any possibility of manipulation, the index must be calculated by a market committee which examines the occupancy reported by as many hotels as possible to eliminate any bias and to guarantee a fair index value. If the number of hotels included in the index is high and the committee verifies the reports, the market transparency is guaranteed and the agents could trade without suspicion. Other contracts that use indices reported by agents who trade in the market are the crop yield futures and options contracts and the PCS index options contracts; no major problems have been reported, as far as could be ascertained, in these areas. Indeed an index is more difficult to manipulate than a specific product.

The real problem in the use of a hotel occupancy index is that all tourism agents are interested in the growth of the occupancy level. Therefore, all of them would sell futures contracts on the basis of the occupation index and could find it difficult to find buyers. In this sense, various negative developments could occur; the buyers could be speculators searching for benefits or sellers themselves buying contracts to cover costs of default contracts (such as in case of overbooking). These developments would counteract smooth market negotiations. In fact, the market could disappear altogether as happened with CATS (the problem there was to find contract sellers).

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When a guest is a guest Cook Islanders view tourism

All cultures engage in travel of some form. For many, it is a necessity, such as with nomadic subsistence-based cultures or for trading purposes. Although many non-Western societies also engage in pleasure travel, it is not implicit that it is equivalent to what is popularly conceptualized as “tourism” by researchers. There is much debate in the literature on the conceptualization of “tourism” and “tourist”. This, however, is often confined to theoretical debate and the research literature often neglects to consider that the many researchers and participants may define tourism and tourist differently. Even within the Western literature there is little agreement about what exactly tourism is in any given context (Cohen and Cohen). Often some tourists themselves eschew the term “tourist”, preferring to categorize themselves as “travelers” or “visitors”. Tourism has a range of meanings that differ by degree of institutionalization, type of economic exchange, and form of travel. This variation is further accentuated when one starts crossing cultural boundaries. For example, sometimes researchers are themselves mistaken for tourists by the locals (Berno and Lanfant). There is growing support for the idea that tourism should be approached from an emic (culture specific) stance, from which the first point of departure for research should encompass the indigenous definition of tourist and tourism (Cohen and Lanfant).

Although the terms tourist and tourism are common in the dialogue of Pacific Islanders, it may be ethnocentric to assume that they have the same meaning to Islanders as to Western researchers, or to the tourists who visit them. Despite the traditional generosity of Pacific Islanders, and the fact that many Islanders themselves travel, it has been suggested that tourism, as popularly understood, is not an indigenous practice in the South Pacific, and is alien to indigenous ways (Biddlecomb; Farrell and Minerbi; Patterson, 1992). In Polynesia, for many Pacific Islanders this often involves traveling in groups to meet and stay with members of the extended family or friends. Often this has a specific purpose, such as attending a wedding, funeral, or sporting event. Hospitality is generally reciprocated by means such as gifts (for example, food and crafts), a financial contribution to the hosts, and/or by hosting in return. It is implicitly understood that cultural obligation dictates that at some point in the future, the hosts will be reciprocated appropriately for their hospitality ( Beaglehole 1957; Ross 1991; Stephenson 1979). Therefore, the social and economic transactions for this type of tourism are “continuous” transactions which are unbound in time and worth, and do not end when the tourist–host encounter is complete. This is in contrast to the segmented and instrumental social and economic interactions implicit in most Western forms of tourism. The payment of money to purchase the tourist experience forms a discrete transaction, and tourist-host interactions, both social and economic, are entered into for specific, limited, and immediate purposes. Unlike Pacific Islanders, Western tourists rarely expect far-reaching, or long-lasting consequences as a result of their transactions (van den Berghe 1994).

Tourists in many parts of the South Pacific are hosted as though they are truly a “guest” rather than a tourist (Vusoniwailala 1980). The act of welcoming a guest is an essential part of being a host in Polynesian society; not to do so may seem inhospitable. Much social interaction in the South Pacific is based on the concepts of social obligation, including generosity, reciprocity and aroa. Aroa is an important characteristic in Polynesia and “… permeates the complete scene. Upon it rests [Polynesians'] whole way of life” (Rere 1976:24). Aroa has several connotations: it means love, kindness and generosity; it is used as a form of greeting and farewelling; and it also represents an attitude to generosity, particularly towards strangers (Rere 1976). It is “ … the unconditional desire to promote the true good of other people with no conditions attached” ( Maly 1993:5).

Such generosity traditionally helped to build and maintain a continuous network of reciprocal obligations on which one could draw at a later time (Graves and Kirch, 1984). The obligations of reciprocity are strong, with an emphasis on generosity. But it is the responsibility of the receiver to reciprocate at an appropriate time and in an appropriate way (Crocombe 1976). This type of reciprocity contributes to an egalitarian group atmosphere and an ambience of agreeable sociability (Howard 1974). The Polynesian system of mutual interdependence creates patterns of behavior that are not easily changed, even when non-reciprocation produces resentment. However, although generosity represents the traditional ideal in Polynesia for conducting interpersonal relationships, a strategy of equalization represents an acceptable alternative in contemporary Polynesian society. Dividing things equally may not create as strong reciprocal obligations, but it avoids jealousies and conflict (Graves and Graves 1978).

Within the social fabric of the Cook Islands, where this research was undertaken, reciprocity has an important role in the strengthening of relationships and “getting things done”. While cash is coming to replace other forms of payment for goods and services, traditional obligations are important in many areas of life. This concept of reciprocity can be problematic in tourism, however. For example, in the Cook Islands, tipping is discouraged, as a “gift” of money (tip) would need to be reciprocated in ways other than the services rendered (Liew Y. M. 1977 Implications of Tourism for the Cook Islands: A Preliminary Study. Unpublished BA (Hons) thesis, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand..Liew 1977). Many Cook Islanders in Rarotonga who have had greater exposure to tourism have learned to “ration the reflex” in terms of traditional generosity, though most others have yet to learn this necessary practice. This is one way in which tourism may be “extractive of human spirit” in the Cook Islands ( Scott 1991:82).

When a visitor to a Pacific island is not differentiated as a tourist and is seen as a “guest”, cultural obligation dictates that generosity be extended to the visitor. This in itself is not problematic. But generosity in a traditional Polynesian context is about investment in human relationships, it is about establishing an obligation which will be reciprocated in the future. In a tourism context this is seldom understood, or reciprocated by the tourist (Scott 1991). Tourists may unwittingly convert this system of social exchange into “unwilling altruism” by stepping in and out of the community without fulfilling expected reciprocal obligations ( de Kadt 1979:62). This has led to the exploitation of the aroa concept (“institutionalized aroa”), which could potentially cut deeply into the traditions of Pacific Islanders which are vital to the psychological well-being and group coherence of island societies (Britton 1987). Traditional generosity may be taken for naivete and Islanders may come to be taken advantage of, not necessarily on purpose, but as a result of the different cognitive styles of the individuals involved. Indeed, the question of tourism’s influence on the South Pacific is inseparable from the question of the economic impact. Its most evident impact in the South Pacific is the intensification of the change from a primarily non-monetary, subsistence agricultural economy to a wage based, profit motivated tertiary activity. The traditionally individualistic profit, accumulation and investment motivation of tourism in many ways conflicts with the collectively oriented, sharing ethic of many Pacific Islanders (Goodman and Rajotte).

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“Us” and the “others” Ethnic minorities in greece

Migration and tourism are not new phenomena. Both have existed for as long as humankind. Today, human mobility is of great significance to the development of the European Union, not only from an economic point of view, but also in terms of its sociodemographic character. In a European Union where fertility rates are declining, family formation is changing, and the population is aging, migration may be more of an asset than a threat and hence might be desirable in demographic terms (Korno Rasmussen 1997:137–143).

Central to the raison d’être of the European Union (EU) and European economic integration is the aspiration to remove internal frontier controls and to allow the unhindered movement of people and goods across the boundaries of the member states (Lazaridis 1996:335–348). This is accompanied by an intensification of controls at the borders of the EU, aiming to protect the immediate interests of the member states. The EU initiatives and measures developed through the First and Third Pillars ( Monar 1997:327) are shaping migration policy development in Europe. In the light of the EU interest in the movement of labor within its regions, this paper looks at the character of migrant labor into Greece. In doing so it does not discuss migration policy in Greece as this topic has been dealt with in detail elsewhere (Lazaridis; Lazaridis and Poyago-Theotoky, 1997 and Lazaridis).

Based on ethnographic data, this paper discusses some preliminary findings concerning the experiences in the labor market of two different ethnic minority groups in two Greek cities, Athens and Thessaloniki. In particular, it focuses on the experiences of Albanian migrant workers (both Greek-Ethnic-Albanians and other Albanians), who entered the country illegally and find themselves on the fringes of the labor market, and of a particular tourist type who, being a citizen of a member state of the union, enters the country legally and chooses to “go native” in the host society. Falling in love with Greece’s relaxed and outdoor lifestyle, this type of tourist decides to stay knowing that being a European Union national they have rights throughout the union. Once in Greece, they find temporary seasonal employment as a means of financing their chosen alternative lifestyle. Both the Western tourist-workers and the Albanians come to Greece seeking better prospects than they can find at home. However, Albanians escape from impossible conditions (poverty, lack of peace, political persecution at home, unemployment) whereas tourist-workers seek kalozoia (the good life): good food, a warmer climate, and other positive features of Greek culture and life. Unlike the Albanians, the majority of the tourist-workers interviewed were sojourners, that is temporary migrants, with the clear intention of returning home in due course.

The paper focuses on the facets of discrimination and exclusion that the “others” (i.e., Albanians) experience in a member state of the European Union where national, ethnic, cultural, and religious difference is seen by the host community as a threat and the cause of problems. Hence, these migrants are, by default, seen as problematic and have acquired a negative image. Albanian migration is characterized by noncitizen status, with Albanians being incorporated to different degrees and in different forms, depending on whether they are ethnic-Greek or “other” Albanians; their experiences are contrasted with those of the tourist-workers who enjoy the privileges associated with European citizenship.

The comparative analysis reported in this paper focuses on the experiences of these two minority groups and particularly on their experiences in the labor market. Fieldwork over two years (1994–95 and 1995–96) has shown that both types of migrant worker constitute a “replacement labor force”, filling the undesirable, low paid menial jobs in the primary and tertiary sectors which have recently been deserted by Greeks (Lazaridis 1996). It is argued that, although both these social groups are found in low-paid occupations, the Western tourist-worker is treated more favorably by the hosts than members of other ethnic minority groups, such as the Albanians. The latter not only experience exploitation and discrimination in employment, but are treated as scapegoats in various political arenas. This paper asserts that the Albanians are trapped in conditions of inferiority, immobility and ultra-exploitation. It shows the contradiction between economic inclusion (albeit in the informal sector) and the different degrees of social exclusion that these two ethnic minority groups experience, drawing distinctions between the two Albanian types whenever appropriate.

“Us” and the “others”

One theoretical approach that may be used to understand the important set of problems faced by the Albanian ethnic minorities is that used within a dual labor market framework which rests on the distinction between the primary and the secondary labor markets. The former comprises jobs with relatively high wages, good working conditions, job security and opportunities for training and career mobility (such as managerial and professional). By contrast, the latter consists of poorly paid jobs with inferior working conditions, little or no job security, limited promotion opportunities or on-the-job training. These jobs are often filled by people from ethnic minorities, women, and young people (Castles and Kosack 1973). It has also been noted that these two types of employment coexist within the same firm (Doeringer and Piore 1971). This division of labor is seen as resulting from the strategies used by employers to obtain the types of labor they require.

Employers are prepared to offer those workers who have specialized skills and experience high wages and good career prospects, in order to persuade them to stay in the company. It is in the employer’s interest to have a stable workforce in jobs that require extensive training and investment by the company. On the other hand, employers see people who work in jobs with low skill requirements as dispensable. These secondary workers are easily replaced and hence there is no need to offer them high wages, or promotion prospects. In this theory, their positions in the occupational structure are dependent upon the market situation. The dual labor market theory focuses on the structure of the labor market and its effects on workers. Although there are various versions of this theory, they all draw attention to the strategies used by employers to privilege certain groups of workers in order to retain them as employees (Doeringer and Kahn, 1975). While this approach helps one to understand the consistent disadvantages suffered by the people interviewed because of their position in the labor market (they were all employed in the secondary labor market), it has a number of weaknesses. For example, it caters neither for new patterns of labor market segmentation between different migrant groups, nor for the diversification of conditions under which newcomers participate in the host country’s labor marker. For example, tourist-workers and Albanians arrive in Greece with diverse skills, resources, motivations, and legal statuses. As Castles and Miller argue, “the range and significance of immigrant labor market diversity is obscured by policy and analytical perspectives that stress the homogeneity of competitive labor markets or sharp contrasts between primary and secondary labor markets” ( Castles and Miller 1993:173).

Matza and Miller have drawn a useful distinction between those employed and those “sub-employed” in the secondary labor market (Matza and Miller 1976:661–662). Subemployment refers to the status of people who have a marginal position in the labor market, or people who find themselves employed casually, intermittently, and/or for limited periods of time. Their work is of low status and earning power. When work is scarce, they are likely to be unemployed. As a result, they move through various types of “ephemeral” labor, including temporary employment and casual work with no tenure. Furthermore, these marginal workers often experience periodic spells of unemployment ( Spicker, P., 1993. . Poverty and Social Security: Concepts and Principles Routledge, London.Spicker 1993:84). Hence, while the dual labor market approach offers a platform for understanding the problems experienced by these two ethnic minority groups in employment, there are limits in its explanatory power for the differential treatment of these groups. It shows little interest in the restrictive laws and regulations that prevent some groups of migrant workers from gaining employment in more desirable jobs. Nor does it account for the widening gaps between different migrant categories and the long-term marginalization of certain groups within the labor market. Further, it fails to account for the racist ideology and attitudes that lead to the relatively higher degree of marginalization and social exclusion experienced by the Albanians in this study. It should also be noted that the dual labor market theory does not allow the voice of the subemployed to be heard.

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Museums A supply-side perspective

For much of the 20th century the generally accepted definition of the museum has been an institution which serves to collect, conserve, research, interpret and exhibit society’s material culture (ICOM and Weil:57–58). Museums have traditionally been spaces where a society can celebrate its past and form a sense of its cultural identity (Urry 1996). Over the last decade, however, there has been increasing attention to a “cultural revival” of heritage experiences as popular leisure and urban tourism activities (Hewison, R., 1987. . The Heritage Industry Methuen, London.Hewison 1987). Politicians and planners have taken the opportunity to integrate museums into economic development initiatives in both large and small urban centers (Vaughan and Zukin). In simple terms, the role of the museum is evolving, with cultural institutions expected to perform a broader range of economic functions, often as part of complex urban redevelopment strategies ( Bassett; Bianchini and Bianchini; Urry and Watson). While the Canadian government asserts that the “true value” of the museum is “measured in terms of our culture and heritage”, it still stresses that museums “generate almost a billion dollars in revenue each year” ( Communications Canada 1990:21).

The expanding role of cultural institutions in advanced capitalist economies has forced researchers to focus more on the links between the cultural and the economic. Sayer (1997) characterizes the “cultural turn” in much economic geographic research not so much as a result of a “culturalized economy” but rather as the “economization of culture”. Although Sayer concedes that the relationship between culture and economy is “highly complex”, he maintains “economic forces continue to dominate contemporary life” (1997:16). The purpose of museums reflects various cultural agendas (such as nation building and education); but the ability of institutions to adhere to public mandates and play a central role in the overall tourism product often is determined by the operating environment (including access to sources of funding). For the purposes of this paper, the Montreal museum sector is treated as a set of cultural institutions operating under increasingly complex and, at times, contradictory economic constraints. The treatment is, in part, a response to the recent call for tourism research to adopt more rigorous approaches to studying restructuring in tourism-related sectors ( Ioannides and Debbage, 1998). The focus on the “economic forces” currently affecting museums in the city is not meant to reduce these institutions to a purely economic function.

The growing importance of museums as cultural attractions has drawn the attention of tourism researchers for some time, but most of the work to date emphasizes demand side issues (Harrison and Urry). Following a brief review of how researchers have attempted to understand the importance of museums in urban settings, an outline is given of the “supply-side” operational context in Montreal in the 90s. Focus is on the search for new funding opportunities, the use of new information technologies, labor management, alliance formation, and museum agglomeration. The findings show that these institutions are being forced to adopt a range of strategies in an increasingly challenging environment in order to secure stable funding year to year and fulfil their public mandates.

The data are drawn from in-depth open interviews held with professionals (directors and curators) from 26 Montreal museums (Table 1). This sample was drawn from the 61 institutions in the Greater Montreal Area that are listed as members of La Société des Musées Québécois. The museums contacted during the, 1993–94 study period were predominantly the larger ones located in Montreal’s major tourism areas (Figure 1). Smaller museums in suburban communities are deliberately under represented. Discussions were also held with representatives from the Canadian and Quebec museum associations and recent issues of their respective journals, Muse and Musées were reviewed

Museums in the urban economy

Museums have been used as the main attractions drawing tourists into the city. For example, the recent Renoir exhibit in Canada’s National Gallery in Ottawa reportedly increased local hotel revenues by $4.8 million dollars (Calgary Herald 1997). However, the economic importance of museums in the local economy is much more complex than their ability to attract visitors with popular traveling exhibitions. Museums reflect an essential sense of a particular time and place unavailable elsewhere, and help to define the overall tourism product. Their unique architectural styles and permanent exhibits give tourists “something distinctive to gaze upon” ( Urry 1990:128). Recent research has demonstrated that they expect “to learn something” when visiting museums (Jansen-Verbeke and van Rekom 1996) and to see an honest representation of a “good local place” (Harrison 1997). Regardless of the specific nature of the “pull factor” attracting visitors, planners have included museums in the overall promotion of urban destinations, leading researchers to classify these cultural institutions as primary elements of the tourism product (Jansen-Verbeke 1986).

Museums enable cities to “market” themselves, as cultural centers which both delight residents and tourists and appeal to professionals and investors (Kotler and Kearns). Harvey (1987), building on the work of Bourdieu (1984), argues that cultural consumption is often a means for capital to profit from upper and middle class attempts to reject mass culture. Elite classes differentiate themselves through the consumption of “cultural capital”, high art, and antiquities which are often relatively inaccessible to lower classes (Fyfe and Ross 1996). Cultural institutions also provide a place for elites, who administer and frequent these non-profit institutions, to network and re-affirm their social position (Zukin 1995). In depressed urban economies, such as Montreal’s, cultural amenities provide high-skilled professionals with an incentive to remain in a “liveable” city.

In the process of attracting tourists and nearby residents of different backgrounds to the city, museums become potential instruments for combining consumption activities with personal, lived experiences. To some extent the different components of the city (cultural attractions, shopping centers, and the like) converge, each offering the services and experiences of the other (Featherstone 1991). A tourist may enter a museum for a negligible admission fee, but during the visit include lunch, buy a souvenir, and take a taxi back to a nearby hotel. Thus, Ashworth and Tunbridge (1990) view the National Gallery and Canadian Museum of Civilization as the Ottawa–Hull region’s effort to develop the Ottawa River waterfront’s boutiques and restaurants. Similarly, on West Sherbrooke Street in Montreal ( Figure 1), gallery owners, antique dealers, high-end clothing retailers and museum professionals have formed an informal association to develop and promote the area as a place for the consumption of up-market consumer goods and a refined cultural aesthetic.

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Affirming authenticity Consuming cultural heritage

Enculturation is more than the internalization of text and categories; instead it is more a holistic experience, interpersonal, and comprising thoughts, feelings, and emotions (Hastrup, K. and Hervik, P., 1994. . Social Experience and Anthropological Knowledge Routledge, London.Hastrup and Hervik 1994). The search for the authentic cultural experience has been described as the search for “the unspoiled, pristine, genuine, untouched and traditional” ( Handler 1986:2), for something, “exceptional in its actuality, and valuable” ( Trilling 1972:93). It is ultimately a cultural choice, “to do not only with genuineness and the reliability of face value, but with the interpretation of genuineness and our desire for it” ( Spooner 1986:200). Whether in the context of a museum or retail shop, what is presumed to be authentic depends as much on the presented interpretation of the displays as that of the viewer. In Western societies, in which political and cultural processes are generally mediated to the consumer by professionals, particularly great reliance is similarly placed in the interpretation of authenticity to the consumer by professionals (Walsh 1992): a sense of place and of the past is conveyed formally rather than organically. As such, in Western societies, what is and is not authentic is largely the consequence of replicated interpretations which although contested by professionals, are commodified for mass consumption. In the 90s, past lifestyles have been used to suggest authenticity in contrast to the modernism of the 50s and 60s.

At a superficial level, commodification of “pastness” has been described as “retrochic” (Samuel 1994): an emphasis of style, rather than substance, and playing with the idea of period, mixing pastness and presentness. This has alternatively been labeled, “past nowness”, with what happened in earlier as one basis for living now (Fowler 1992), or “creative anachronism”, changing the past to one’s own ends (Lowenthal 1985). Such interpretations derive from a perceived popular confusion as to period or sequence, but rather the structuring of pastness as “a vague ‘then’”, a “time before” ( Fowler 1992:6) or “broad-brushed contrasts between ‘now’ and ‘then’, ‘past’ and ‘present’” ( Samuel 1994:6).

At a deeper level, commodification of pastness can be interpreted as marking needs for identity, and the finding of the true self through the appropriation of pastness. Self-realization in this sense is the need to escape role-playing, and to be authentic (Handler 1986). As the full development of authenticity, it is expressed as identity, autonomy, individuality, self-development, and self-realization (Berman 1970). It is the affirmation of identity through looking back, as a memory but with the pain removed (Lowenthal 1985). It is not just what is recalled, but through visitation of places with associations of pastness, the creation and reaffirmation of identity is enabled. Identities are thereby created through amassing insights into what is associated with the emergence of a culture, and appropriating these insights is pertinent to the consumer’s own understanding of his or her place in time and space.

In Western societies divorced from their origins through urbanization and population migration, such senses of pride and place have to be created. Museums have a key function here, presenting an authoritative interpretation of the significance of a place through time. Attempts to immerse consumers in the past at period theme parks are but one of the latest means of seeking to reach audiences for whom written text and cased exhibits are thought unstimulating. At the superficial level this is “retrochic”, actors in period costume talking to late 20th century consumers about events pertinent to the period portrayed. While it can be fun, it can deny history as a process, and present rather a series of synchronous pasts. However, without written interpretations, and often without even labeling, period theme parks require cultural competence on the part of their visitors. For many, this is the stimulation of selective memory or nostalgia, often for anachronisms found in the childhood days of older visitors (Walsh 1992). Their design is a form of “resurrectionism”, as retaining this stimulation requires a progressive updating of period, thereby reconstructing that which is important in historical narrative by reference to what is recent (Samuel 1994).

Visitors to period theme parks may thus be dismissed as fun seekers with cultural capital sufficient to interpret what they are viewing, but capital often gained organically and stimulated as memories by the presentation of the parks. To do so ignores the deeper level the commodification of pastness provides for. The search for identity and familiarity in the past provides meaningful leisure to some visitors, aids national cohesion through the communal re-affirmation of popular likeness provided, but also may be built upon to develop critical awareness and a fuller historical understanding beyond then and now categorizations. As Walsh has argued:

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The meanings of a heritage trail in Hong Kong

Although heritage is often constructed and contested, comprehensive case studies which illustrate the complexity of the contestation are lacking (Ashworth; Boniface; Bruner; Bruner; Handler and Handler). In tourism studies, the issue is often cast as foreign tourists vs. local indigenous peoples, but in cosmopolitan Hong Kong, such a dichotomy would be an over-simplification, as there are more than two parties involved. In order to bring out the complexity of heritage construction from an ethnographic perspective, this paper describes the establishment of the Ping Shan Heritage Trail and how it was used or interpreted by different parties in terms of various contested meanings of heritage in the New Territories in Hong Kong. The trail, which is about 1 km long, links ten traditional “Chinese” structures consisting of a pagoda, an ancestral hall, a well, a walled village, a study hall, temples, and other buildings. It is described in the brochure for the tourists as providing an opportunity to recapture aspects of Chinese rural life “in the old days.” The buildings belong to the Tang clan and indeed they are old, as the Tangs have been settled in the area for about 30 generations, or approximately 800 years. But only recently has their “heritage” been presented for touristic consumption. It is noteworthy that the trail was only established in December 1993. It is one of a number of heritage sites that emerged in the 80s when it became evident that political control of Hong Kong was to pass from the colonial British to the People’s Republic of China.

There are at least four parties involved in the contested struggle for meaning in the Ping Shan Heritage Trail, and each has a different interest and interpretation. The first party is the Antiquities Advisory Board, which was established with the enactment of the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance in 1976. It represents the Hong Kong government and is the main organizer in the trail construction. Regarding the relations between Hong Kong’s social history and heritage preservation, this paper asks how heritage has been regarded in Hong Kong by different groups and why the heritage “construction” led by the Antiquities Advisory Board was associated with the handover to China. Indeed, the year of the handover (1997), was officially designated by the government as “Heritage Year.” The emphasis on local heritage is presented in the larger context of a search for a distinctive Hong Kong culture and identity, one separate from the Chinese culture of the People’s Republic on the mainland. The second party is the Hong Kong Tourist Association (or HKTA) with its duty to promote all aspects of tourism industry for the benefit of the economy of Hong Kong. The master narrative of HKTA in advertising for Hong Kong tourism is the blend of the East and the West, or the traditional and the modern. This theme, with many variations, is repeated in every brochure and in the commentary of the tour guides. The Ping Shan Heritage Trail, with ancestral hall, temple, shrine of the earth god and pagoda, provides for foreign tourists a representation of the exotic East, the traditional “old China,” the rural way of life that, according to the tourist writing, is always and forever disappearing.

A third party is composed of the various domestic tour organizers who bring local Hong Kong residents to discover the history of their living place. For these domestic tourists, mostly made up of urban Hong Kong families, the Ping Shan Heritage Trail has been a favored destination. No one at first expected the tremendous interest shown in the trail by the residents of Hong Kong, but indeed these domestic tourists far outnumber the foreign ones. One may ask, why does a site in the New Territories attract such large numbers of urban Hong Kong Chinese, many of whom during the work week may be stockbrokers or investment bankers? What does the Ping Shan Heritage Trail mean to them? A final and fourth party is the local people of the Tang clan. For reasons to be explained, they are in conflict with the government and have indeed become so enraged that they have closed part of the trail. The Tangs are not poor village farmers; indeed, there are very few farms left in Hong Kong, and many members of the clan are wealthy migrants who reside in the cosmopolitan centers of the Western world, in London and Vancouver. The Tangs are not arguing about money, for they have been paid for land taken by the government. The conflict goes back to 1898, to the time the British government defeated the Tangs in military battle and established colonial hegemony over the New Territories. Then, the British built a police station on a hill overlooking the Ping Shan area, which the Tangs felt had disturbed what they call the fung-shui (literally “wind and water,” usually translated as geomancy). Fung-shui concerns the balance in nature between buildings and landscape, or the sacred harmony of the built environment, a very old cosmological Chinese belief. Conflict over the heritage trail between the government and the Tang clan provides an excellent example of the political-historic side of this case of cultural tourism.

As one can see, the Ping Shan Heritage Trail presents a complex contested story, involving the government desiring to construct heritage sites, foreign tourists seeking the exotic East, domestic tourists seeking an aspect of themselves, and the Tangs seeking to re-establish their harmony with nature. To view such complexity as a simple interaction between the tourists and the locals, a perspective frequently encountered in the tourism literature, would indeed be a gross over-simplification. This paper will lay out the various meanings associated with the Ping Shan Heritage Trail, which is conceived as one manifestation of the construction of an emerging Hong Kong identity. It will identify the various participants in this construction, the interests they have, and the meanings they attach to it. Finally, it will consider the conflict in interpretations between two of the participants that has resulted in the closing of the trail.

Invention of heritage in Hong Kong

The word “heritage” caught international attention especially in the mid-80s in connection with the UNESCO World Heritage Convention; however, as established almost at the same period, the Ping Shan Heritage Trail was never mentioned as part of this global movement. In Hong Kong, this word has been commonly used to signify monuments which were established before the British came, or else popular destinations in the New Territories, which is still considered the rural side of Hong Kong. Pre-colonial ancestral halls, temples, and shrines in the rural villages have been especially marked and developed for the tourism industry (HKAMO 1992a). But more recently, the representation of Hong Kong as a fishing village turned modern metropolis has been replaced through the construction of a heritage with distinctive Chinese traditional characteristics. Regarding the heritage trail’s emergence, the paper argues that it actually reflects the framework of ideas which has been undergoing a boom in the Hong Kong population from the mid-80s.

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Resident tradeoffs A choice modeling approach

The perceived impacts of tourism on host communities, and associated resident attitudes toward tourism, continues to be an important issue. This much is indicated by governmental policy pronouncements like the World Tourism Organization Bali and Manila declarations (WTO, 1996 and WTO, 1997) and coverage in academic publications ( Akis; Boissevain; Faulkner; Haralambopoulos; Huang; Kang; Lindberg; Schneider; Schroeder; Wall and Wall). Pearce, Moscardo and Ross (1996) provide a thorough review and evaluation of previous research in this field.

Within this growing literature on tourism’s impacts, the primary focus has been on measuring attitudes and evaluating their relationship to perceived impacts. An alternate approach is to measure impacts in a metric that is common across the conventional impact categories: economic, sociocultural, and environmental/ecological. Measurement of impacts in a common metric enables identification of resident preferences and tradeoffs regarding these impacts and facilitates evaluation of the desirability of specific tourism projects and/or overall development paths. One possible common metric is economic value, and Lindberg and Johnson (1997a) used contingent valuation (CV) to estimate the economic values of selected impacts associated with tourism. A related technique is choice modeling (CM), which has grown out of conjoint analysis and has been used primarily for market research and evaluation, in tourism and other fields ( Dellaert; Dellaert; Haider; Jeng; Louviere and Morley).

Though from a different heritage, CM parallels, but is more general than, contingent valuation. The former allows for tradeoffs between multiple attributes, while the latter involves tradeoffs between only two attributes, one of which typically is money and the other of which typically is a detailed policy option. In simplified terms, dichotomous choice CV asks respondents to decide whether they are willing to trade a specified amount of money (a variable level of one attribute) for a specified good or service (a fixed level of a second attribute, such as a specific reduction in traffic within their community). Choice modeling asks respondents to decide which of several alternatives they would prefer, with the alternatives being packages of attributes at varying levels and one “base” or “other” alternative being none of the packages (levels fixed to zero for all attributes). If respondents choose a certain alternative, then they are assumed to prefer the levels of attributes in that package over the levels of attributes in the other ones and over their current situation of having none of the packages. The attributes used in the resident survey reported here were number of new jobs, amount of tax reduction, percent increase in rubbish, and number of additional cars on the road. For each of the eight choices presented, respondents were asked to choose between two alternatives, with one being a package of attributes and levels and the other being not to accept the package. Responses are assumed to reflect resident preferences and willingness to accept the negative attributes (rubbish and cars) in exchange for the positive attributes (jobs and reduced taxes).

CV and CM are relatively new techniques, and their validity and reliability remain subject to debate. Many of the applications and evaluations of these methods relate to their performance in environmental/recreational valuation and consumer choice, respectively, such that their performance in the present context, or similar ones, remains an area for research and evaluation. In a review of CV, CM, and other stated preference approaches, Morrison, Blamey, Bennett and Louviere (1996) note that there are theoretical and/or empirical indications of several biases associated with CV, including embedding effects and the related part-whole bias, hypothetical bias, payment vehicle bias, strategic bias, starting point bias, information bias, and non-response bias.

Some of these potential biases, such as hypothetical, information, and nonresponse bias, are inherent in any stated preference approach, but can be avoided or minimized through careful survey design and administration. Other potential biases, such as embedding, part-whole, payment vehicle, and strategic bias, may be more likely to occur in CV studies than in CM studies. For example, Lindberg, Johnson and Berrens (1997) were not able to reject the presence of part-whole bias in their CV study of resident tradeoffs, while Morrison et al (1996) note that CM’s more explicit attention to differences in attribute levels may make it less prone to this form of bias. Boxall, Adamowicz, Swait, Williams and Louviere (1996) provide further comparison of these two approaches. More generally, the benefits of the CV approach are that it directly estimates economic value for input into cost-benefit analysis, statistical estimation is relatively easy, and distributional effects can be estimated easily using predicted values. The benefits of the CM approach are that the scenarios accommodate multiple attributes (though respondents may focus on only a subset of these attributes) and often are more realistic to respondents than are CV scenarios. Relative to the latter scenarios, CM ones also involve less focus on financial gains or losses; depending on one’s view of actual and ideal consumer behavior, this may be a benefit or a drawback of CM.

Both CV and CM fundamentally differ from traditional social impact approaches (Lindberg and Johnson 1997a). The focus of CV and CM is on the tradeoffs that residents are willing to make between the positive and negative impacts of tourism. The measurement of these tradeoffs enables analysts to determine whether the impacts associated with a specific tourism development option (such as a project or policy) will add to or detract from resident economic welfare (used in this article in the sense of satisfying Pareto compensation criteria) on the basis of implementation leading to a net gain in aggregate economic value for residents. The information generated by applying these techniques can be used to inform, and to reduce uncertainty in, the decision-making process relating to tourism development. An idealistic and simplistic model would postulate that politicians and other public decision makers act in the aggregate interest of citizens. However, even if one assumes this to be true, it would require that decision makers accurately perceive the disparate citizen interests and then weigh them across individuals. Moreover, the postulate that decision makers act solely in the aggregate interest of their constituents (and not at all in their own personal interest) has been rejected as untenable (Elster and Williamson).

The direct measurement of citizen preferences using CV and CM approaches sidesteps the problems of personal interests and probable misperceptions on the part of decision makers, and these approaches follow in the tradition of public referenda. However, these particular approaches do require assumptions regarding decision rules and weighting systems. The common decision rule is to choose the project or path (or no change option) that maximizes aggregate welfare, as measured by willingness-to-pay or willingness-to-accept. The welfare of each citizen is commonly weighed equally, though other weighting systems can be used, particularly if there is concern that a willingness-to-pay approach will bias results in favor of high-income citizens, who are most able to pay. An alternate decision rule for CM is to choose a project or path with a probability of resident support at least equal to 50% or, in the case of multiple projects/paths, to choose the one with the highest probability of resident support.

The outcomes of respondent choices in the CM approach typically are described using random utility models. These models assume that consumer choices can be represented as a process in which the attributes of alternatives relevant to a given choice are evaluated in terms of the utility they provide the consumer. The part-worth utilities associated with each of the attributes are assumed to be cognitively integrated into an overall utility for each alternative, after which the alternative with the highest overall utility is selected. The utility function consists of two basic parts: a deterministic component that describes the structural utility that the consumer derives from the alternative, and a random component that describes the error over the structural utility. This error can be due to various sources such as measurement error, omitted explanatory variables, and unobserved variations in taste (Ben-Akiva, M. and Lerman, S., 1985. . Discrete Choice Analysis: Theory and Application to Travel Demand MIT Press, Cambridge MA.Ben-Akiva and Lerman 1985).

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Ecotourism in rural developing communities

Tourism is widely believed to be the most rapidly growing global industry, and the World Tourism Organization predicts international tourism will grow at approximately 4% per year through the year 2010 (World Tourism Organization 1996). While difficult to measure, ecotourism is believed to be the fastest growing tourism segment (Buckley; Deardon; Ecotourism and Wild). Estimates by Filion, Foley and Jacquemot (1994) suggest that in 1988 there were between 157 and 236 million international ecotourists, generating economic impacts of $93 billion to $233 billion. In Costa Rica, a country which has increasingly tailored its industry to fit the ecotourism niche (Evans and Schl), foreign exchange receipts from tourism have surpassed those earned by traditional export products (coffee and bananas), to become the country’s most important economic activity (ICT 1993).

There is considerable debate over what ecotourism really means, however, and estimates of value generated by Filion et al (1994) are based on a definition of the form which allows tourists to enjoy and appreciate nature. This reflects the original ecotourism definition provided by Ceballos-Lascurain (cited in Boo 1990) and popularized by Boo (1990), that focused on the site or object of tourist viewing. As ecotourism has grown in popularity, sometimes resembling traditional mass tourism, its definitions have been expanded to incorporate ideas about ecotourist responsibility, environmentally friendly destination management, profit linkages to conservation efforts, and the sustainable development of local human populations.

Ecotourism can be defined in terms of the “product” or as an operating “principle” (Cater 1994a). Buckley and Ormans, and Stewart and Sekartjakrarini (1994) review its definitions and conclude that preference for one over another reflects different priorities of actors and analysts. Thus, while Ormans (1995) favors a definition that focuses on encouraging better ecotourists who will help maintain a better environment, and Blangy and Nielsen (1993) focus on guidelines for operators (product-oriented definitions), proponents of local development find these types of definitions inadequate, or incomplete. While Stewart and Sekartjakrarini (1994) argue that the multifaceted nature of expanded, principle-based definitions leads to ambiguity in interpretation, a definition which includes community development is increasingly promoted ( Boo 1992; Budowski cited in Kutay, 1992; Cater and Ecotourism, 1998; Kutay, K. 1992 Ecotourism Marketing: Capturing the Demand for Special Interest Nature and Culture Tourism to Support Conservation and Sustainable Development. Paper Presented to the Third Inter-American Congress on Tourism, 1992. Cancun, Mexico..Kutay, 1992; Norris; Whelan and Ziffer, 1989). For the purposes of this paper, an expanded definition of tourism, which encompasses both visits to natural areas and the development of local communities, is referred to as alternative ecotourism.

Community participation as described by Murphy (1985) is central to the alternative ecotourism concept, with proponents arguing that participation in planning is necessary to ensure that benefits reach residents in destination areas (Simmons 1994). Cater and Wild suggest that ecotourism which encourages local employment and small business development promotes higher economic multipliers, and that a community approach to decision-making helps to ensure traditional lifestyles and community values are respected. Kutay (1992) cites environmental benefits of community participation, arguing that a close working relationship between the local community and the industry will provide the means to support conservation efforts. Small scale, community led tourism has been suggested as particularly appropriate for developing countries (Britton; Kangas and Oppermann).

In definitional discussions, there is often an underlying assumption that tourism to small rural communities will be planned and that planning with environmental and community development goals in mind will help ensure their achievement. This assumption of planning is problematic, as the level of choice exercised by host communities in becoming a destination is questionable with tourism in general, and particularly in developing countries (Cater 1994a). Based as it often is on visits to rural towns and villages in remote and undeveloped areas (Wild 1994), ecotourism is additionally problematic as it is perhaps unreasonable to expect that national planners interested in foreign exchange earnings will invest time and effort in insuring the goals of alternative ecotourism are met in such places. The size of the industry in general and the high rates of growth in ecotourism specifically suggest that, even when governments are interested, they will be unable to oversee development at all potential sites. They have sometimes intervened in ecotourism development on behalf of rural communities—such as Zimbabwe’s Campfire Program (Chalker 1994), and Nepal’s Annapurna Conservation Area (Gurung and De Coursey 1994). But such intervention often occurs where the natural resources in question are capable of attracting considerable tourism dollars, and/or where the industry is being promoted to reduce more consumptive forms of wildlife utilization (e.g., direct harvesting).

It could also be argued that a philosophy of alternative ecotourism, which relies on community participation and even control, minimizes the extent to which outside planning and intervention is desirable. Control over resources can be key to gaining community support for their conservation, and “top-down” rural tourism activities have sometimes failed to gain such support in spite of their provision of monetary benefits to local people (Balakrishnan and Parry). Perhaps the crucial question is not “what the definition of alternative ecotourism is” or “how alternative ecotourism can be planned” but rather “what the chances are that visits to remote developing areas will meet the community development and participation objectives of alternative ecotourism in the absence of official planning or intervention, and how such chances can be increased.”

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Beyond guidelines a model for Antarctic tourism

Wilderness as a holiday destination is not a new idea. Just over one hundred years ago, North Americans and Europeans, who wanted to experience this, visited the fledgling parks in the United States and Canada. Aside from those few like John Muir who traveled simply and camped rough, most tourists expected access, accommodation, and entertainment. Railways, then roads, brought urban dwellers into wilderness, and hotels, built near the railway lines, accommodated those wishing to see the “natural wonders of the world” in comfort. These natural wonders were, however, supplemented by staged entertainment: soap in geysers, feeding garbage to bears, or sending flaming logs over waterfalls. Each year, tourists flooded the parks in greater numbers and demanded more facilities and activities; and by the mid 60s the parks were overrun and degraded ([NPCA 1989]:4).The business of wilderness management changed from permitting and encouraging all activities, to limiting some forms of entertainment in favor of wild nature.

Antarctica, once the domain of explorers and sealers/whalers, has also become a tourism destination. From the first 200 shipborne tourists in 1958, the number has steadily increased to an estimated 10,590 in the 1997–98 season [NSF 1997]. More alarming is the increase in the number of Peninsula sites visited: from 36 sites in 1989–90 to nearly 200 in 1996–97 [NSF 1997]. Although it is true for the latter figure that some sites are reported twice under different names and that a large number of these sites are on South Georgia, the problem remains: each year new sites are opened to tourism and its impacts.

Once ashore, tourists typically walk, photograph, and watch wildlife for one to two hours, spending most of their time near where their inflatable boat has landed. Some expedition leaders give their passengers a safety lecture and a tour of the area, pointing out various birds and mammals. Passengers have often been advised on ship or shore about the voluntary guidelines, designed to minimize impacts. This formula has been popular for some time but today there is a growing demand for more and new facilities and activities to augment those currently available. One study suggested [Davis 1995a]that a small but significant number of tourists would like having onsite facilities such as toilets, accommodations, post office/gift shop and would participate in diving, skiing, camping if given the chance [Davis 1995a]. Recently, one company was offering tourists an opportunity to run a marathon in Antarctica [Long 1996].

At present, management planning for the entire continent of Antarctica relies on guidelines (Recommendation XVIII-I), a recently ratified Treaty instrument (the Environmental Protocol to the Antarctic Treaty) which excludes Annex 5 Area Protection and Management, and the goodwill of tour operators and tourists. To provide additional background, in 1989, two organizations published codes to guide the behavior of tourists in Antarctica. This happened, [Beck 1990]:343) reasoned, because some Antarctica cruise operators and expedition leaders/naturalists recognized inadequacies of the existing system of regulation. It may equally have been an anticipatory response to what tourism representatives saw as an imminent call for more regulation from the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties ( [Stonehouse 1989]:57).

[Naveen and others 1989] brought out an Antarctic Travelers Code, and soon after similar guidelines were issued by three of the major cruise companies [Antarctic Ship Operators 1989]. In 1991, this group became known as the International Association of Antarctica Tour Operators, which was founded to “encourage safe and environmentally-responsible cruises and expeditions to Antarctica” [IAATO 1992]. In April 1994, the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties met in Kyoto, Japan, and agreed upon a new tourism recommendation that recognized “the need for visitors and organizers to have practical guidance on how best to plan and carry out any visits to the Antarctic” (Recommendation XVII-1) [ATCPs 1994a]. Specifically, they recommended that all governments circulate the Guidance for Visitors to the Antarctic and the Guidance for Those Organising and Conducting Tourism and Non-governmental Activities in the Antarctic [ATCPs 1994a].

The guidelines are, by and large, principles of common sense to which general related information has been added. It is forbidden to use aircraft, small boats, or vessels in ways that disturb wildlife. This is conceptually useful but offers no practical advice on how to avoid disturbing wildlife. Tourists are also advised not to use guns or explosives and they are not to pollute lakes or streams. Though guidelines are a more sophisticated tool in what should be a comprehensive management strategy, the message is potentially confusing. Is the aim of “not using guns” to prohibit hunting and “not polluting lakes” a restriction on some consequence of camping (e.g., do not contaminate lakes with waste products that may result from camping) but not on camping itself?

The adequacy of such policies to comprehensively protect Antarctic wilderness has been questioned by researchers [Enzenbacher 1995 and Stonehouse and Crosbie 1995], Antarctic Treaty Parties [IUCN 1991], and organizations such as the International Union for Nature and Natural Resources and the Scientific Committee for Antarctic Research [Smith and others 1994]. There is no management philosophy save to avoid more than a “transitory impact” on Antarctica as it is a natural reserve, devoted to peace and science (Protocol, Article 2). Yet the history of nature parks or designated wilderness areas discloses the necessity of a management philosophy to guide specific tourism policies [Hendee and others 1990, Nash 1982 and Runte 1987. Runte, A. 1987 National Parks. The American Experience (2nd ed.). Lincoln NE: University of Nebraska Press..Runte 1987].

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Host perceptions of sociocultural impacts

Communities in many rural, coastal, and urban destinations in Britain are affected somewhat by tourism. Its sociocultural effects in these areas, however, are less well documented, as much of the academic literature concentrates on the impacts in developing countries, or else evaluates them at a more general level. This is despite the fact that, as Krippendorf (1987) argues, the social effects are so significant that they should be studied before anything else. Mathieson and Wall (1982) point out that although many studies make passing reference to the existence of social impacts, both positive and negative, most cast little light on their nature or the means for their investigation. They argue that research should be directed more explicitly at determining the perceptions and attitudes of the host population towards the presence and behavior of tourists; and unless local inhabitants are contacted, it may not be possible to identify the real significance of any change.

Sharpley (1994) points out that a considerable amount of research has been undertaken into the desires, motivation, and behavior of tourists in relation to their impact on host societies and Krippendorf (1987) also notes that the psychology and sociology of tourism have so far been largely concerned with the tourists’ views and behavior. More recently, however, numerous studies have focused on residents’ attitudes, tourists, and tourism development (Ap; Hernandez; Johnson; Lankford; Lankford; Lankford; Lea; McCool; Schroeder; Ross and Ryan).

Murphy (1985) defines tourism as a sociocultural event for both the guest and host. He suggests that more emphasis has been placed on the convenience of tourists, and any local disillusionment with the industry has been given less of a priority. Nevertheless, destinations have been inconvenienced by congestion and debased by certain staged events and attractions, and there is also growing concern over the acculturation process of tourism. Murphy argued, that “if tourism is to merit its pseudonym of being ‘the hospitality industry’, it must look beyond its own doors and employees to consider the social and cultural impacts it is having on the host community at large” (1985:133).

From a resource management point of view, social and cultural impacts of tourism should be considered throughout the planning process and in an environmental impact assessment procedure, so that benefits are optimized and problems minimized. An important general planning policy to reinforce positive and mitigate negative impacts is the involvement of communities so that residents understand tourism, have participated in its decision making, and receive benefits from the industry (Kavallinis and McIntyre). Likewise, Ap and Lankford point out that the perceptions and attitudes of residents towards the impacts of tourism are likely to be an important planning and policy consideration for the successful development, marketing, and operation of existing and future programs and projects. Therefore, the case study reported in this paper also has implications in terms of planning for tourism development and managing resources in rural and coastal locations.

Literature in this field acknowledges that from a social and cultural perspective, the rapid expansion of tourism in the latter half of the 20th century is important in two respects. First, within individual destination areas or countries, its development has led to changes in the structure of society. Some of these may be welcome: improving income, education, employment opportunities, and local infrastructure and services (Lankford; McCool and Ross). Others may be less welcome: social and family values challenged, new economically powerful groups emerging, and cultural practices adapted to suit the needs of tourists (Ap and Johnson). Second, because “tourism is unique as an export industry in that consumers themselves travel to collect the goods” ( Crick 1989:310) the expansion of international tourism has increased the contact among different societies and cultures. To some, this interaction threatens to destroy traditional cultures and societies and to others it represents an opportunity for peace, understanding and greater knowledge among different societies and nations. Such social impacts can be described as those which have a more immediate effect on both tourists and host communities in terms of their quality of life (Sharpley 1994). As Mathieson and Wall (1982) suggest, these impacts can change through time in response to structural changes in the industry, and the extent and duration of the exposure of the host population to tourist development. For instance, Allen, R., Long, P., Perdue, R. and Kieselbach, S., 1988. The Impact of Tourism Development on Residents’ Perceptions of Community Life. Journal of Travel Research 27 1, pp. 16–21.Allen, Long, Perdue and Kieselbach (1988) argue that residents’ attitudes towards tourism may be directly related to the degree or stage of development.

On the other hand, cultural impacts are those which lead to a longer-term, gradual change in a society’s values, beliefs, and cultural practices. To an extent, this is caused by the demand of tourists for instant culture and authentic souvenirs, and at the extreme may result in the situation whereby the host society becomes culturally dependent on the tourism generating country (Sharpley 1994). In other situations, however, local communities can be quite ambivalent towards its development (Johnson, Snepenger and Akis 1994), even when the pace of growth is rapid (Hernandez et al 1996). The degree to which sociocultural impacts influence or are experienced by host communities may depend on a number of factors, including the number and type of tourists, the nature of tourism development in the area, and the pace of development.

Many commentators suggest that tourism often contributes to social and cultural change rather than being the cause of such change. However, because the industry is highly visual it has often become the scapegoat for sociocultural change (Crick 1989). The dynamic character of all societies and cultures should thus not be overlooked and the potential influences must be considered against this background (Sharpley 1994). These influences can be grouped into tourism development, tourist–host interaction and culture, with each allowing for specific impacts. Table 1, Table 2 and Table 3 summarize some of the most salient impacts. For each case, an author has been attributed, but it should be acknowledged that there is overlap within this part of the literature and no single impact is the “preserve” of a particular author. To relate these impacts to the host, this paper examines the perceived social and cultural impacts of tourism on a small British coastal resort. In addition, the paper aims to evaluate how the impacts found in the case study compare with the general analyses reported in the literature.

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